By N. Briscoe
Britain used to be arguably the only maximum catalyst and beneficiary of UN peacekeeping operations through the post-war interval. This booklet analyses the explanations for this, together with the post-colonial conflicts which Britain passed the UN and its choice to make sure that peacekeeping advanced in a way appropriate with united kingdom nationwide pursuits. regardless of preliminary ambivalence approximately letting the UN run army operations, Britain many times used the association, to shed colonial tasks, keep face, proportion policing burdens, and stabilise conflicts in delicate areas. This entire survey first examines united kingdom adventure with antecedents of UN operations, particularly nineteenth century colonial policing and missions organize lower than the League of countries. It then analyses British efforts to steer, include and take advantage of person UN operations, together with the Emergency strength demonstrated following the Suez problem (1956-67), the strength within the Congo (1960-64), and the iconic operation in Cyprus (1967-). additionally coated are a number of situations whilst British Governments hottest to intrude unilaterally, together with in Jordan and Kuwait. one of many major contributions of the booklet is the targeted research of inner united kingdom govt and UN documents, which the writer makes use of to reconstruct the coverage making approach. The publication additionally sheds mild at the peacekeeping guidelines of convinced different key states, quite the united states and USSR. eventually, the account addresses a few problems with modern relevance, together with the strain among neutrality and impartiality, peacekeeping in a semi-permissive surroundings, and using strength.
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Extra resources for Britain and UN Peacekeeping 1948–67
India brought the dispute to the Security Council on 1 January 1948. In the ensuing two weeks there was a flurry of communications between London and the British Mission in New York in a search to contain the conflict. The Foreign Office feared a full-scale invasion of Kashmir by Indian troops and doubted that a cease-fire call by the Security Council would be effective given the limited influence which Pakistan had over the Muslim tribesmen and local militias in Kashmir. The Foreign Office suggested that a small body of UN civilian representatives might assume on the Security Council’s behalf the responsibility for the law and order functions of whatever remained of the old Kashmir administration.
C) We wish to avoid undertaking commitments which will place an undue strain on our manpower and economic resources. (d) We do not wish the commitment for the provision or operation of forces by the Security Council to be used by a Great Power as a pretext either for maintaining unnecessarily large forces or for using its forces to further its own interests. (e) We wish to discourage a regional approach to the problem of world security, although we accept that all Five Powers will not always be able to play an active part in any operations required.
E) We wish to discourage a regional approach to the problem of world security, although we accept that all Five Powers will not always be able to play an active part in any operations required. In addition, the Chiefs of Staff favoured placing the emphasis of Britain’s contribution on naval and air forces, in view of the many existing demands on its land forces. They made clear that the United Nations in its present form could not deal with a situation resulting from aggression by a great power.