By Andrew J. Nathan
Despite its extraordinary dimension and inhabitants, monetary power, and force to improve its army, China continues to be a weak country surrounded through strong competitors and strength foes. knowing China's overseas coverage capacity totally appreciating those geostrategic demanding situations, which persist whilst the rustic earnings expanding impression over its acquaintances. Andrew J. Nathan and Andrew Scobell study China's safety issues on 4 fronts: at domestic, with its instant associates, in surrounding neighborhood structures, and on the earth past Asia. by means of illuminating the problems riding chinese language coverage, they give a brand new viewpoint at the country's upward push and a technique for balancing chinese language and American pursuits in Asia.
Though rooted within the current, Nathan and Scobell's examine makes considerable use of the earlier, attaining again into background to light up the folks and associations shaping chinese language method at the present time. additionally they research chinese language perspectives of the U.S.; clarify why China is so eager about Japan; and discover China's pursuits in such complicated international locations as North Korea, Iran, and the Sudan. The authors probe contemporary problems in Tibet and Xinjiang and discover their hyperlinks to forces past China's borders. they think about the strategies deployed through mainland China and Taiwan, as Taiwan seeks to keep up autonomy within the face of chinese language advances towards unification. They assessment the strengths and weaknesses of China's 3 major energy assets -- fiscal strength, army strength, and smooth strength.
The authors finish with strategies for the us because it seeks to control China's upward thrust. chinese language policymakers remember the fact that their nation's prosperity, balance, and defense rely on cooperation with the USA. If dealt with correctly, the authors think, relatives among the 2 nations can produce collectively priceless results for either Asia and the world.
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Additional resources for China's Search for Security
But to understand how they are being talked about requires a process of interpretation. The causal path from facts on the ground to policy outputs runs through actors and institutions—the people who make policy and the institutions within which they do so. These people and institutions are discussed in chapter 2. Sometimes the connection is straightforward. Sometimes it is distorted by cognitive factors (misinformation, miscalculation), perceptual factors (erroneous guesses about others’ motives), and value commitments (preferences for values besides security) or by institutional habits and structures, domestic political needs, and leadership shortcomings.
Their skill at doing so has some disadvantages, such as drawing attention to China as America’s primary potential rival. But its advantage is to produce more deference from other countries than China’s objective power resources warrant. China’s power, however, if sometimes overhyped, is no illusion. It was not China’s weakness but its burgeoning strength that the late leader Deng Xiaoping instructed his colleagues to hide when he gave the four-character instruction, “taoguang yanghui” (Hide our light and nurture our strength).
Although Japan, Korea, and Vietnam borrowed some parts of their written and spoken languages and some Confucian beliefs from China, they do not consider themselves in any sense Chinese. The other neighboring cultures—Russian, Mongolian, Indonesian, Indian, and others—have even less in common with China. None of the neighboring states perceives that its core national interests are congruent with China’s. All the larger neighbors are historical rivals of China, and the smaller ones are wary of Chinese influence.
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