By María Eugenia Verdaguer
Drawing on surveys and in-depth interviews, this booklet examines the social and financial relatives of first-generation Latino marketers. Verdaguer explores social styles among and inside of teams, situating immigrant entrepreneurship inside of concrete geographical, demographic and ancient areas. Her learn not just unearths that Latinos' recommendations for entry to company possession and for enterprise improvement are minimize throughout type, ethnic and gender strains, but additionally that immigrants' thoughts, practices, and social areas stay mostly formed by way of patriarchal gender family in the immigrant relatives, group and economic climate. This booklet is an important addition to the literature on immigration, classification, gender kinfolk, and the intersectionality of those concerns.
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Additional info for Class, Ethnicity, Gender and Latino Entrepreneurship (New Approaches in Sociology)
While some women perceive work as an opportunity to raise the family’s living standard compatible with enforcement of patriarchal ideology (Fernandez-Kelly and Garcia 1990), others are thrust into positions of fi nancial vulnerability that, paradoxically, endow them with increased ideological autonomy as a result of men’s inability to fulfi ll their socially assigned role. Women’s wage work, thus, can hold distinct meanings for different groups, highlighting the interaction of class and ethnic background on gender ideology (Fernandez-Kelly and Garcia 1990; Repak 1995).
Further, building on Bourdieu’s notion of cultural capital, Light and Gold later refi ned the resources theory of entrepreneurship perspective to include class-derived “bourgeois occupational culture” or the occupational culture of entrepreneurship. A form of class-based cultural capital, they defi ne it as “the skills, knowledge, attitudes and values that bourgeoisies need to run the market economy” (Light and Gold 2000: 92–3). Likewise, they differentiate class-derived social capital from ethnic-derived social capital.
Ethnic enclave theorists sustain that while immigrants provide cheap labor, they benefit in the patron-client relationship, enjoying flexible work conditions, learning the business as they work, and maximizing their opportunities for upward mobility and business ownership (Portes and Manning 1986; Portes and Rumbaut 1990; Portes and Zhou 1992). Scholars defi ne ethnic enclaves as immigrant concentrations where ethnic-owned businesses market to co-nationals and where three conditions are met: 1) a substantial presence of immigrants with business expertise acquired in the homeland; 2) sources of fi nancial capital readily available; and 3) access to cheap co-national pools of labor.