By Jonathan Goodhand, Benedikt Korf, Jonathan Spencer
The interval among 2001 and 2006 observed the increase and fall of an across the world supported attempt to convey a prolonged violent clash in Sri Lanka to a calm solution. A ceasefire contract, signed in February 2002, was once by means of six rounds of peace talks, yet starting to be political violence, disagreements over middle matters and a fragmentation of the constituencies of the foremost events resulted in an eventual breakdown. within the wake of the failed peace method a brand new executive pursued a powerful ‘war for peace’ resulting in the army defeat of the LTTE at the battlefields of the north east in might 2009. This booklet brings jointly a different diversity of views in this troublesome and eventually unsuccessful peace process.
The contributions are dependent upon huge box learn and written by means of best Sri Lankan and overseas researchers and practitioners. The framework of ‘liberal peacebuilding’ offers an analytical place to begin for exploring the complicated and unpredictable interactions among overseas and household gamers through the war-peace-war interval. the teachings drawn from the Sri Lankan case have vital implications within the context of wider debates at the ‘liberal peace’ and publish clash peacebuilding – quite as those debates have principally been formed by way of the ‘high profile’ circumstances akin to Kosovo, Afghanistan and Iraq. This ebook is of curiosity not just to Sri Lanka experts but in addition to the broader policy/practitioner viewers, and is an invaluable contribution to South Asian studies.
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Extra resources for Conflict and Peacebuilding in Sri Lanka: Caught in the Peace Trap?
Then, it became evident that the parties to Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict had approached the peace process and envisioned its possible outcomes from competing and irreconcilable perspectives on how state power should be organized in post-civil war conditions. This irreconcilability of perspectives on the post-conflict state made the possibility of sharing state power, as a way towards a political solution, both unnegotiable and unreachable. In short, the peace process of 2002–2003 did not constitute a phase in Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict where negotiations could be the main instrument to define how the post-civil war state in Sri Lanka should be organized.
It may be too early to say in which direction the two conflicts would move in the post-agreement phase. Yet, the signing of a fairly comprehensive peace agreement that enabled the rebels to return to the existing state is no mean achievement in both instances. When the Sri Lankan peace process was progressing in 2002, the Nepali and Aceh conflicts did not seem as promising as Sri Lanka to attain peace agreements. What happened to Sri Lanka’s peace process of 2002–2003? Why did it suffer a slow collapse, even after the two sides agreed to explore a mutually acceptable state reform framework in the form of federalism?
The government should invite the international community to be active at a number of levels – facilitating and monitoring the ceasefire agreement, facilitating and mediating direct negotiations, providing direct economic assistance to immediate rehabilitation and reconstruction work as well as long-term economic growth, and participation of the international capital in economic development. Such a multi-level international involvement was seen by the UNF government as constituting an international safety net, a security as well as an economic guarantee.