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By J. McMullin

This publication offers a serious research of the reintegration demanding situations dealing with ex-combatants. according to vast box study, it comprises designated case reviews of ex-combatant reintegration in Namibia, Mozambique, Sierra Leone, and Liberia.

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Each assumes a reintegration into poverty. Each suggests that all that can reasonably be expected of reintegration is to buy time for the benefits of macroeconomic interventions that are assumed eventually to accrue. Contemporary approaches to reintegration challenges, in other words, normalize and rationalize reintegration as simply a ‘push in the right direction’ and neglect to grapple with how that conceptualization reinforces a very particular view of welfare provision after war as one of selfreliance, and not just for ex-combatants.

80 Some surveys also include economic data to determine whether excombatants are better or worse off than others in their host communities. 81 The political complexity of reconciliation is reduced by suggesting that acceptance relies more on perceptions of post-war equality than on the memory of violence or the disjuncture of political aspiration inherent not between communities and ex-combatants, but within communities or between ex-combatants of different factions. And the political complementarity of reconciliation with reintegration is negated because reconciliation is said to require the phasing out of reintegration assistance.

That protest can be benign or take a violent form. Some ex-combatants offer their services as mercenaries in neighboring conflicts or become involved in criminal activity. An ex-combatant can both serve as an officer in the new army and moonlight as a money launderer. Ex-combatants, in short, can be good guys and bad guys, and sometimes both. Unfairly, there is a tendency to automatically associate ex-combatants with dangerous or illicit activity, to think of reintegration only as it relates to crime or threats to security.

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