By Richard Caplan
Some time past twenty years, states and multilateral enterprises have committed substantial assets towards efforts to stabilize peace and rebuild war-torn societies in locations comparable to Afghanistan, Iraq, Kosovo, and Sierra Leone. regardless of those prodigious efforts, there was rather little attention of the severe questions bobbing up from the "end online game" of state-building operations. In go out options and country construction, 16 prime students and practitioners specialise in correct historic and modern circumstances of go out to supply a finished evaluate of this important factor. by means of studying the most important demanding situations linked to the belief of foreign state-building operations and the necessities for the upkeep of peace within the interval following go out, this e-book presents detailed standpoint on a severe element of army and political intervention. Deftly researched, go out options and country construction sheds new mild on what's no longer only an instructional factor, but in addition a urgent international coverage concern.
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In fresh a long time the realm has skilled the increase of so-called 'low depth conflicts'. in contrast to traditional wars those very bloody armed conflicts aren't any longer the affair of kingdom governments and their armies. of their position look police-like armed devices, safeguard prone and mystery providers, teams and enterprises of non secular, political and social fans able to lodge to violence, 'militias', bands of mercenaries, or simply gangs of thugs, led through the condottiere of the twenty first century, together with militant charismatics, defense force 'generals', 'drug barons', and 'warlords' of varied types.
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Extra info for Exit Strategies and State Building
But as a system, it offered benefits to countries whose own legal system was still underdeveloped and where confidence in the judiciary’s autonomy was weak. Awareness of such a final court of appeal might improve the quality of justice and restrain the executive, especially where the local supply of trained advocates was small. Paradoxically, perhaps, retaining this system was only likely where a vigorous local bar already existed (as for example in Barbados) strong enough to champion an institution that would help protect their independence.
1. 24. “Measuring Peace Consolidation and Supporting Transition,” Inter-Agency Briefing Paper prepared for the United Nations Peacebuilding Commission (New York: United Nations, March 2008). 25. Powell cited in William Safire, “On Language: Cut and Run,” New York Times, May 2, 2004. 26. Lt. Gen. William E. Odom, “Cut and Run? You Bet,” Foreign Policy (May-June 2006), 60–61. 27. Caplan, “After Exit,” 255–257. 28. For a discussion of benchmarking in the context of peace implementation, see George Downs and Stephen John Stedman, “Evaluation Issues in Peace Implementation,” in Ending Civil 18 Exit Strategies and State Building Wars: The Implementation of Peace Agreements, ed.
First, it may well be the case that if serious differences exist between major powers in the international system, any prospective regime change may present itself as an opportunity for gain, or as the risk of a loss, in the struggle for influence and geopolitical advantage. Under conditions of great power rivalry, territorial control becomes a possible bargaining counter, even if the territory concerned has no intrinsic value. Of course, in some cases, it may be of considerable value to one or other of the major international actors—although not necessarily symmetrically.