By Joseph E. Lowndes
The position the South has performed in modern conservatism is likely to be the main consequential political phenomenon of the second one half the 20 th century. The region’s transition from Democratic stronghold to Republican base has often been seen as a contemporary prevalence, one who principally stems from a 1960s-era backlash opposed to left-leaning social events. yet as Joseph Lowndes argues during this e-book, this rightward shift was once now not inevitably a usual reaction via alienated whites, yet really the results of the long term improvement of an alliance among Southern segregationists and northern conservatives, teams who at first shared little past competition to express New Deal imperatives. Lowndes focuses his narrative at the formative interval among the tip of the second one global conflict and the Nixon years. by means of taking a look at the 1948 Dixiecrat riot, the presidential campaigns of George Wallace, and well known representations of the area, he exhibits the various ways that the South replaced in the course of those a long time. Lowndes strains how a brand new alliance started to emerge through extra analyzing the pages of the nationwide evaluate and Republican party-building efforts within the South through the campaigns of Eisenhower, Goldwater, and Nixon. the original features of yankee conservatism have been cast within the crucible of race kin within the South, he argues, and his research of party-building efforts, nationwide associations, and the options of specific political actors offers a willing look at the ideology of contemporary conservatism and the Republican social gathering.
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Extra info for From the New Deal to the New Right: Race and the Southern Origins of Modern Conservatism
55 The Republican-Dixiecrat Romance of ’52 In the two years following the Dixiecrat Revolt, race came to dominate southern politics as it had not in a century. In 1949 and 1950, congressional debate raged over another FEPC bill proposed by Truman. The controversy allowed Dixiecrats to link racial stratification to issues of property rights, business rights, and states’ rights, creating the basis for an alliance with Republicans outside the South. S. Supreme Court issued unanimous decisions in two cases that began to wear away at the Plessy v.
Some Dixiecrats still held hopes that a third-party run was possible. Yet three years after the Dixiecrat Revolt, the link between race and conservatism was not cemented, even for some of the most prominent Dixiecrats. Speaking before the National Cottonseed Products Association in 1951, Mississippi governor and 1948 States’ Rights Party vice presidential candidate Fielding Wright declared, “The old traditional Republican Party is too reactionary to inspire confidence. ” That the Republican Party was still “too reactionary” for even a top Dixiecrat figure like Wright demonstrates the openness and contingency of the move from states’ rights revolt to political conservatism.
45 Although race had set off the Dixiecrat Revolt, the States’ Rights Democratic Party campaign pushed states’ rights as the real reasons for the split with the national party. As Thurmond campaigned throughout the South, he toned down the racist rhetoric but continued the “police state” language of states’ rights. ” Free-market conservatism was also a primary component. The Southern States Industrial Council, the Arkansas Free Enterprise Association, the Associated Industries of Florida, and other state business associations played an active role in the campaign.