By R. Bahramitash
Iran is anticipated to have the 3rd greatest casual area within the MENA area a huge resource of source of revenue for lots of low-income families whose numbers are growing to be as sanctions tighten. Gender and Entrepreneurship in Iran presents perception into the position of casual networks in employment construction in Iran from a gender point of view. Drawing upon theories of social capital, social community, and the postcolonial feminist critique of mainstream improvement, this research sheds mild at the ways that poverty and unemployment might be tackled.
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Additional info for Gender and Entrepreneurship in Iran: Microenterprise and the Informal Sector
Where women are concerned, 28 Gender and Entrepreneurship in Iran Diane Singerman examines informal networks and the family network and how they tend to be absent from debates on poverty and women’s rights (2006, p. 2). In part this is because the family is in the private sphere, where power is believed to be absent. Singerman argues that “there is a rupture between innovative theory and empirical research when the focus turns toward the Middle East. Instead, family, tribe and informal networks are dismissed as pre-political forms (Zubida, 1998), vestiges of traditional societies or primordial attachments that will wither away with modernity” (2006, p.
Social capital as a political notion has been articulated in the work of Robert Putnam (1993) as a way of creating civic engagement through social networks. It enhances social values both individually and collectively (when collectively it is a building block of democracy). Alejandro Portes defines social capital as “the capacity of individuals to command scarce resources by virtue of their membership in networks or broader social structures” (1998, p. 12). Michael Woolcock defines social capital in broader terms as “the norms and networks facilitating collective action for mutual benefit” (Woolcock 1998, p.
Such networks are pervasive, flexible, and efficient (2006, p. 17). She argues that informal networks in Egypt create a wider public sphere and bring power to the private as a “buffer” between citizens and the state. This reiterates a theme that developmentalist state theorists have articulated but also leads us to a different sphere—that of the third sector—which I will discuss later in this chapter after reviewing the notion of microcredit. This next section will examine microcredit as a way of operationalizing social capital in development planning.