By dited by David L. Sills
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Additional resources for International encyclopedia of the social sciences volume 4
1958 Affective Responses to the Concept of Death in a Population of Children and Early Adolescents. Journal of Genetic Psychology 93:167-177. BELLAH, ROBERT N. 1964 Religious Evolution. American Sociological Review 29:358-374. BLAUNER, ROBERT 1966 Death and Social Structure. Psychiatry 29:378-394. BOWMAN, LEROY 1959 The American Funeral: A Study in Guilt, Extravagance, and Sublimity. Washington: Public Affairs Press. BROWN, NORMAN O. 1959 Life Against Death: The Psychoanalytic Meaning of History.
Mourning, then, is a psychological task to be performed (Krupp & Kligfeld 1962). From a sociological standpoint, the bereaved individual may be aided through rituals and the support of family and friends to resume his usual social obligations after the mourning period (Eliot 1932). In this perspective, the task is to re-establish the systems of relationships interrupted by death or to develop new ones. Durkheim originally specified the function of ritual in enabling bereaved persons to cope with death (1912, pp.
The core of the fallacy lies in the equating of the community as a unit, in some aggregated national accounting sense, with the individuals-in-the-community, in some political sense as participants, direct or indirect, in collective decision making. In 33 their capacities as prospective taxpayers-borrowersbeneficiaries, individual members of a political community can postpone the objective real costs of public spending through resort to debt finance, even though they may sell the debt instruments, bonds, to "themselves," acting in a wholly different capacity as bond purchasers.