By Nicholas Kerton-Johnson
This e-book examines the reasons for, and perform of, conflict through the U.S. considering the fact that 1990, and examines 4 case reports: the Gulf conflict, Kosovo, Afghanistan and Iraq.
The writer undertakes an exam of presidential speeches and public records from this era to figure out the focal issues on which the respective presidents established their rhetoric for warfare. The paintings then examines the perform of struggle within the mild of those justifications to figure out even if alterations in justifications correlate with alterations in perform. specifically, the justificatory discourse unearths 4 key subject matters that emerge within the presidential discourses, that are tracked around the case stories and aspect to the basic driver in US motivations for going to struggle. The 4 key subject matters which emerge from the information are: overseas legislations or norms; human rights; nationwide curiosity; and egoist morality (similar too, yet wider than, 'exceptionalism'). This research indicates that Sep 11 ended in a thorough shift clear of a world legislations and human rights-focused justificatory discourse, to 1 which used to be overwhelmingly ruled via egoist-morality justifications and nationwide curiosity.
This ebook may be of a lot curiosity to scholars folks international coverage, humanitarian intervention, safety reviews, and IR concept.
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Additional resources for Justifying America's Wars: The Conduct and Practice of US Military Intervention
These acts of intervention, even if motivated by national interest and concerns of political and military power, were still required to be justified internationally (Jackson, 2000: 254). Reflecting the pragmatism of Jackson, norms were therefore not to be seen, in the realist fashion, merely as tools holding no authority in and of themselves, but norms both formed the basis of order and legitimated any act of disorder (Jackson, 2000: 19–22; Ramsbotham and Woodhouse, 1996: 49). This book contributes to an understanding of Bull’s position through its analysis of the justificatory discourse of each intervention, revealing through these references the normative site of legitimacy.
This was not a policy particular to the Bush presidency but followed previous administrations; the Carter administration, for example, declared in 1980 any attempt to gain control of the Gulf to be an attack on US vital interests (Woodward, 1991: 230). There was concern over the threat to Saudi Arabia, Israel and the chance for the NWO in a post-Cold War world (McCausland, 1993: 8; Freedman and Karsh, 1993: 73; Washington Version). As early as October 1989, President Bush had stated that: access to Persian Gulf oil and the security of key friendly states in the area are vital to US national security.
While Resolution 678 was accompanied by much bartering and deal making because of its use-of-force implications, this should not distract from the uniformity of voting in all the previous ten resolutions. In addition, the eventual use of force would not have occurred with or without Resolution 678 had Iraq responded to the order to leave Kuwait (Rahman, 1997: 293, 309). Moreover, Resolution 660 looked explicitly to the Arab community to negotiate a resolution to the conflict, giving the regional powers an opportunity to negotiate a solution without direct western involvement – which they were unable to achieve.