By Michael D. Tanner
For conservatives commonly and the Republican get together in specific, now could be a time of severe soul-searching. For the 1st time in a dozen years, Republicans have misplaced keep an eye on of Congress. consequently, they are being pressured to reexamine who they're and what they stand for.
It's approximately time. in any case, greater than a decade has handed in view that President invoice Clinton introduced in his nation of the Union deal with that ''the period of substantial executive is over.'' but, considering then, executive has grown some distance larger and much extra intrusive. It spends extra, regulates us extra, and reaches a long way extra into our day-by-day lives than it did earlier than the Republican Revolution. in the back of this alarming development stands the increase of a brand new model of conservatism--one that believes colossal executive can be utilized for conservative ends. it's a conservatism that ridicules F. A. Hayek and Barry Goldwater whereas embracing Teddy or even Franklin Roosevelt. It has extra in universal with Ted Kennedy than with Ronald Reagan.
Leviathan at the Righ t presents an incisive research of the roots and center ideals of big-government conservatism and the main currents that fueled its growth--neoconservatism, the spiritual correct, supply-side economics, nationwide greatness conservatism, and Newt Gingrich-style technophilia--and deals an in depth critique of its rules on a large variety of concerns.
The ebook features a transparent caution that, except conservatives go back to their small-government roots, the electoral defeat of 2006 is simply the starting.
Leviathan at the correct is the recipient of the Lysander Spooner Award for Advancing the Literature of Liberty.
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Additional info for Leviathan on the Right: How Big-Government Conservativism Brought Down the Republican Revolution
At the same time, however, they were beginning to question their allegiance to Marxism. Increasingly, they were forced to ask themselves whether Stalin was an aberration or whether something intrinsic in the Soviet system, and therefore Marxism itself, led to Stalinist totalitarianism. World War II, the Nazi-Soviet Pact, and the growing revelation of Stalin’s crimes accelerated the philosophical shift. Increasingly this group saw Stalin’s Russia and Hitler’s Germany as two sides of the same totalitarian coin.
The only truly compelling congressional leader of this period was Newt Gingrich, but—as we will see—he was not truly ideologically committed to cutting the size of government. Bob Dole’s vapid 1996 presidential campaign hardly provided a rallying point for smallgovernment conservatives. And George W. Bush barely even pretended a commitment to limited government. The ideological vacuum created by this lack of leadership was slowly filled by five currents of conservative thought that have coalesced into today’s big-government conservatism.
The latter depends on its being believed to be true . . ’’41 Strauss strongly rejected Enlightenment thinking based on the philosophies of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Thomas Hobbes, Spinoza, and others who championed the ideas of individual liberty, subjective morality, and scientific rationalism. Individualism was, he argued, synonymous with nihilism. And rationalism divorced man from eternal truths and timeless values. These ideas stripped purpose from life, leaving only the listless, meaningless life of economic man, or, in a desperate search for higher meaning, leading to dangerous experiments with new gods—such as Hitler or Stalin.