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By Michael C. Pugh (auth.)

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Sir Maurice Hankey, the Milnerite cabinet secretary who seemed to wield more power than many a cabinet minister, argued that ‘[u]nder an international system and in a long era of peace the military spirit is exposed to exceptional dangers . . 40 Ironically, Hankey had once been favoured as a secretary-general of the League of Nations. Socialism The shape of left-wing politics was also moulded by forces outside the liberal internationalist movement. 41 It had marginal support and failed to command the respect often accorded to pacifists, its conspiratorial style matched only by Conservatives who took it seriously.

Although he returned to Geneva to represent a policy with which he disagreed, he resigned five days after the talks collapsed, despite appeals by Lord Salisbury and Chamberlain to stay. E. 29 If he hoped to precipitate a government crisis, he overestimated his significance. 30 The LNU could exercise no direct political influence when its advocate in the government was so dispensable. Cecil never held ministerial office again. Yet his influence in the successor Labour Government of 1929–31, as British Representative at the League with a room in the Foreign Office, was probably greater than at any other time.

35 Second, disarmament should be tackled by conflict-resolution procedures. 36 Arbitration machinery would not only regulate international conduct per se, it would ‘guarantee’ the security necessary for states to disarm. Accordingly, the innovative 1924 Geneva Protocol enjoyed a period of popularity. The Protocol for the Peaceful Settlement of Disputes called for amendment of the Covenant to commit states to using the Permanent Court of International Justice and to binding arbitration procedures for conflict resolution, failing which League and Court rulings on aggressors would be supported by economic sanctions and military support to victims.

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