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61 Succeeding American administrations, up to 1933, took the same view. 62 France had been perhaps the most persistent of the interventionist powers, and had the most substantial differences with the Soviet authorities in terms of repudiated debts. The French, indeed, with the other Allies, had gone so far as to extend recognition to the Kolchak and Denikin administrations in 1919, and had been the only power to recognise Baron Wrangel's forces in southern Russia in August 1920. The French government, like its Allied counterparts, had eventually to recognise the failure of these movements, and it was a party to the Allied decision of January 1920 to bring the blockade to an end and subsequently to enter into negotiations with representatives of the Soviet government.

22 The British reply of 1 November 1921 accordingly welcomed the general tone of the Soviet note but drew attention to some of the obscurities it contained, such as the questions of post-1914 Tsarist debts, municipal and railway loans, and the claims of those owners of private property in Russia which had been nationalised or destroyed. The note invited the Soviet government to make its attitude explicit in regard to these and all other such classes of claims. 23 The Soviet note of 28 October 1921 was received with rather less enthusiasm in Paris.

The Brest-Litovsk treaty was not acknowledged, the Soviet government remained unrecognised, and further troops were sent, in August 1918 and later, to occupy Archangel, Siberia, parts of Central Asia and the Caucasus. By the time the war ended the Allies had in effect acquired a substantial occupation army whose original anti-German rationale had now disappeared. 50 The Allies, in the end, failed to discover an alternative rationale which was both convincing to their domestic publics and acceptable to all the parties concerned.

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