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By Michael Brenner (eds.)

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24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 37 See M. Oarke, 'British External Policymaking in the 1990s', op. , pp. 188-94. See I. Crewe, 'Britain: Two and a Half Cheers for the Atlantic Alliance', in G. Flynn and H. Rattinger, eds, The Public and Atlantic Defence (London: Croom Helm, 1985), pp. 26-9. See Centre for Defence Studies, A Common Foreign and Security Policy for Europe: The Inter-Governmental Conference of 1996 (London: Centre for Defence Studies, 1995), pp. 38-9. Statement on the Defence Estimates 1995: Stable Forces in a Strong Britain, Cm 2800 (London: HMSO, 1995), p.

White-Spunner, op. , pp. 38-9. 38 35. 36. 37. Nato and Collective Security This analysis is based on personal interviews and participation in certain service working groups. SeeM. Clarke, 'The Lessons of Bosnia for the British Military', Brassey's Defence Yearbook 1995, pp. 51-2. A. Duncan, M. Clarke, and D. Stevens, Contingency Forces Available Among WEU Member, Associate and Observer States (London: Centre for Defence Studies, 1995). 3 France Frederic Bozo Thirty years after General de Gaulle's decision to withdraw France from NATO's military integration, Jacques Chirac, his neogaullist successor, has embarked on a far-reaching transformation of the France-NATO relationship.

As Mitterrand himself recognized, defence should remain a NATO function for the foreseeable future. e. security functions. This was all the more so because another emphasis of French diplomacy was on the need to strengthen the CSCE, as highlighted at the Paris summit of November 1990. In spite of second thoughts in Paris on the appropriateness of building up the Helsinki process into 44 Nato and Collective Security an actual security organization (which, in the context of 1990, was briefly seen as too 'loose' to effectively 'contain' a unified Germany), French diplomacy quickly returned to its traditional interest in panEuropean security schemes.

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