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By Thomas K. Adams

Absolute to be chanced on debatable by means of a few, compelling through all, this is often the single to be had book-length exam of ways the U.S. military and division of protection have attempted to create the features promised by means of the high-tech Revolution in army Affairs. Of extra instant obstacle, it's also the one in-depth account of the impression RMA and transformation ideas had at the American operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. a few of the difficulties in either Iraq and Afghanistan, Adams argues, arose from the DoD's implacable wish to enforce RMA-driven transformation concepts—whether they have been applicable or now not. The interaction of politics, know-how and armed forces fact bargains a desirable narrative.Sure to be stumbled on debatable via a few, compelling via all, this can be the one to be had book-length exam of how the U.S. military and division of protection have attempted to create the features promised by way of the high-tech Revolution in army Affairs. Of extra rapid situation, it's also the single in-depth account of the impact RMA and transformation options had at the American operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. some of the difficulties in either Iraq and Afghanistan, Adams argues, arose from the DoD's implacable wish to enforce RMA-driven transformation concepts-whether they have been applicable or now not. What we have to do, he keeps, is to struggle the conflict now we have, now not the battle we want.Over the final numerous many years, army theorists and others started to think that new applied sciences have been producing a revolution in army affairs (RMA), functions so innovative that they might redefine struggle. Spurred by way of those ideals, and led by way of President George W. Bush and protection Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, the dept of safety (DoD) got down to rework the U.S. military via adopting RMA concepts-and spending billions to make the hypothetical services actual. the complete constitution of the militia replaced for this reason. This imaginative and prescient, in spite of the fact that, was once absolutely depending on a suite of unproven suppositions and infrequently nonexistent functions, specifically a community of data applied sciences. furthermore, the companies, the media, Congress, and every one had its personal time table, all of which proceed to return into play within the improvement of RMA recommendations. The interaction of politics, expertise and armed forces truth bargains a desirable narrative.

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Intervention were third or fourth rate powers without advanced military technology (especially modern air defenses) American cruise missiles and air delivered PGMs could be launched against them from safe altitudes and distances. Military interventions would be quick and clean. High-tech, high precision ordnance could pressure the enemy leadership by striking key economic and military targets without excessive civilian casualties or great danger to Americans, neatly avoiding political repercussions either internationally or nationally.

The ground campaign had been very brief, and the world press corps (virtually none of whom had the least idea what they were seeing) focused on the long air campaign that led up to the ground assault. Space-based assets provided intelligence and communications while unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) conducted reconnaissance and surveillance. The Coalition enjoyed such good control of the battlefield that the mere presence of their forces kept the Iraqis from using their own radars. Iraqis were known to simply abandon their equipment on the approach of Coalition units.

S. national interests was not always clear. But, aside from adopting the language of ‘‘democratic enlargement,’’ few basic changes were made in existing policy and doctrine. S. military was to deter or defeat the identified national security threats, in large part through humanitarian assistance and peacekeeping missions. These were principally Army missions, but that service considered them of marginal interest. There was some debate over a possible ‘‘peacekeeping’’ division, but the officer corps strongly supported the existing structure and no important changes were made to accommodate these missions.

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