By Marc Maresceau, Erwan Lannon
This booklet is without doubt one of the infrequent experiences embracing, via a comparative and potential method, the rising pan-Euro-Mediterranean neighborhood integration. the most function of this research is to make an research and a scientific comparability of the preferential relatives among the european and its jap and southern peripheries and to stimulate additional mirrored image in this subject. The respective frameworks for those relatives proportion substantial similarities but in addition many alterations.
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Extra info for The EU's Enlargement and Mediterranean Strategies: A Comparative Analysis
COM(90)398 Final, 27 August 1990. On these agreements, see J. ), Le partenariat entre l’Union européenne et la Fédération de Russie (Rennes: Apogée, 1998); and C. , 1998, 399–420. Of course, with the accession of Finland to the EU there is already a lengthy EU border with Russia but the sensitivity of an EU border west of Saint Petersburg or around Kaliningrad is of a different nature. Russia has submitted a list of ‘concerns’ regarding EU enlargement to the President of the Commission. For text, see Uniting Europe, 13 September 1999, 4.
Four applicant countries, for example, failed the test exclusively or mainly for economic reasons (Bulgaria, Romania, Lithuania and Latvia). More important in the light of the topic of this paper is why applicants satisfied or failed the political test undertaken by the Commission. Such an examination is of particular relevance since meeting the political criteria after the entry into force of the Treaty of Amsterdam on 1 May 1999 also becomes a legal requirement for membership. The new Article 49 TEU explicitly stipulates that any applicant for EU membership has to respect the principles of liberty, democracy, human rights, fundamental freedoms and the rule of law.
In May 2000 this chapter was opened for negotiation with the six candidates of the Luxembourg group but the EU common position on this issue remains very vague. While not yet raising in so many words a request for transitional periods allowing restrictions on labour market access it is very likely that during the negotiations this may become the EU position. Austria, for example, has already made clear her specific position on the issue, stressing inter alia the fact that she shares a common border with the CEECs of 1256 km, that there is already a high proportion of CEEC workers (10 per cent) in the country, and that enormous wage differences with the CEECs exist (CEECs generally have not more than 25 per cent of Austrian wage level).