By Thomas Donnelly
This finished research of the U.S. defense force wanted within the post-9/11 international argues that the distance among America's strategic achieve and its army seize has reached some degree of trouble.
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Additional resources for The Military We Need: The Defense Requirements of the Bush Doctrine
23 Energy shortages are a paramount concern for Beijing, which is already having to ration its electric power supply, slowing the manufacturing economy and threatening overall economic growth. ”27 This has the effect of creating strategic partnerships between China and those states that supply it with oil. The United States, by contrast, takes a market-driven approach to energy, and through its security policies, particularly toward the oil states of the Persian Gulf and the greater Middle East, has attempted to maintain influence from a distance.
Despite the inherent difficulties of such an effort, its basic premise—that America’s position as sole superpower and guarantor of the global order meant constant involvement in unforeseen contingencies—was sound. Alas, the 2001 MISSIONS 39 review dispensed with the effort entirely, seeking refuge in trying to build military capabilities in the abstract rather than trying to forecast contingent missions. The experience of the Bush administration strongly suggests the validity of the “Dynamic Look” model.
The continental United States is not simply the locus from which American military power is projected abroad; it will increasingly be where almost all American military families live. The pattern of army and air force troop rotations is now more like traditional navy and Marine Corps duty. S. installations are capable of sustaining an expanded and extended rotational posture for units abroad. The arithmetic of power projection is much the same for facilities as it is for troops: to maintain a base abroad requires a domestic infrastructure about five times larger.