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By Moritz Weiss (auth.)

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It follows from this that security is predominantly provided by exchanges with partners. g. Jervis 2005; Brooks 2005; see also French Government 1994; Government of the UK 1998; German Ministry of Defence 2003): The cost of producing security can be enormous. ) As polities employ technologies that lower the costs of projecting force over distance, enter into a division of labour, or create positive externalities that are ‘internalised’ in a security relationship, the factors of production that are necessary to produce any given level of security decline.

It gives us a theoretical access point to the question of why the EU member states wanted to build the ESDP at all. For that purpose, the chosen perspective has to be much broader. It considers primarily uncertainty and thus the problem of credible commitments. The overall objective, however, is to explain both the desired substantive scope of the agreement and the preferred institutional depth to deal with the issue. Transaction costs for the provision of European security From a comparative institutional perspective, the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and the European Union represent the main options for most European states to organise the provision of security on a multilateral basis.

G. g. aspects of French Gaullism): “Since issue-specific interests prevail, ‘high politics’ concerns will dominate [security and defence policy]” (Moravcsik 1998: 50). Secondly, ideologically motivated elites, so- called dramatic-political actors, supposedly have a relatively high degree of freedom to act (Moravcsik 1993a: 494). If that is the case, a member state’s preferences will largely correspond to those of the most important stake-holders in this domain, namely, the military establishment and the large companies that produce weaponry (Moravcsik 1993b; Dover 2005).

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