By Roy Douglas
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Extra resources for World Crisis and British Decline, 1929–56
Scholarly research has since established that the campaigns were fought overwhelmingly on domestic issues, 14 and there can be little doubt that most voters were far more concerned about social conditions at home than about international conferences. Politicians, however, have a marked propensity to believe that matters which currently interest them are also of deep interest to the public at large, and the accident that the Labour Party appeared to be taking a pacifist line at the time may have encouraged observers to think that this view was widespread among the voters at East Fulham and elsewhere.
On 12 November 95 per cent of the voters gave the approbation required of them on the question of German foreign policy, while about 92 per cent voted for Nazi candidates - the only ones permitted to stand in the 'General Election'. These figures suggest that some of those brave people who could not be cajoled or terrorised into supporting the Nazis were nevertheless responsive to a 'patriotic' appeal. It is tempting to treat the results as ridiculous, and in a sense they certainly are. There is plenty of evidence that both coercion and downright fraud were rife.
As for the German Government, evidence does not suggest that they actively desired a breakdown, but they were probably not much disturbed at the prospect, and were certainly concerned that if it did take place the blame should appear to lie with France. 11 In September a new plan for disarmament emerged from France, and by the latter part of the month the British Government was beginning to evince sympathetic interest. The idea was that the Conference should be followed by what became known as a 'Convention' period of eight years, divided into two equal phases.